星期五, 四月 03, 2009

How nice u r, Mr. Luo...


光阴的故事
作词:罗大佑作曲:罗大佑

春天的花开秋天的风以及冬天的落阳
忧郁的青春年少的我曾经无知的这么想
光阴他带走四季的歌离我轻轻的唱(dc)
风车在四季轮回的歌里它天天的流转
风花雪月的诗句里我在年年的成长
流水它带走光阴的故事改变了一个人
就在那多愁善感而初次等待的青春

发黄的相片古老的信以及褪色的圣诞卡
年轻时为你写的歌恐怕你早己忘了吧
过去的誓言就像那课本里缤纷的书签
刻划着多少美丽的诗可是终究是一阵烟
流水它带走光阴的故事改变了两个人
就在那多愁善感而初次流泪的青春

遥远的路程昨日的梦以及远去的笑声
再次的见面我们又历经了多少的路程
不再是旧日熟悉的我有着旧日狂热的梦
也不是旧日熟悉的你有着依然的笑容
流水它带走光阴的故事改变了我们
就在那多愁善感而初次回忆的青春

星期四, 四月 02, 2009

中国收入不平等有多严重?

中国收入不平等有多严重?

2009/04/01 18:22:19

王志浩

中国是世界上收入最不平等的地方之一吗?有时候真有点这种感觉。上海的街头,似乎一夜之间冒出很多外乡的少年,在红绿灯的间隙,穿梭在拥挤的车流中,向宝马、奥迪兜售小商品。他们中的一部分人似乎就以城市的桥洞为家。在非洲和拉美一些国家的首都,这是司空见惯的景象。而在上海,这种情况在过去是非常少见的。但是,他们的存在仍然令人记起,还有8,000万中国人生活在国际贫困线之下。在当前经济低迷的景况下,可想而知,他们的生计将更加艰难。 

一种普遍接受的观点认为,过去30年的经济增长,是以收入不平等拉大为代价的,尤其是城乡之间的收入不平等。根据官方数据,中国基尼系数(用于综合考察居民内部收入分配差异状况的一个分析指标)从改革前的0.2-0.25上升到0.45。一些中国学者认为,实际基尼系数可能还要高过这个数字,接近拉美国家的收入差距水平(拉美国际基尼系数一般为0.6-0.7)。胡温政府在执政之初,就将城乡收入差距视为中国最大的问题之一, 并一直致力于通过刺激农村地区的内需来扭转这种失衡局面。

但是,也有学者对这种观点提出异议。我们将介绍关于中国收入不平等的争论。 

没有“过去的好日子”

有人说,毛泽东时代是收入平等的时代,真是这样吗?在那个时代,农村家庭通过参加集体化农业劳动,根据对集体的贡献大小(工分)分配得到相应收益。公社医院和赤脚医生提供免费的基本医疗保障,实行义务教育。这样,在同一个村子内部,农民得到大致相同的收入。由于中国南北气候土地差异很大,耕种高质量土地的农户的收成就会好于土地贫瘠的农民,所以不同村之间收入差距较大。有人估算,某些村的农业收益是其他一些村的6倍多(当时的数据不足以估算基尼系数,但明显体现了收入的不平等)。

在毛的时代,大多数城市居民有固定工作。从单位领取工资和劳保(以及分配住房),享受医疗教育等待遇。城市就业者的收入基本相等,不同城市之间的收入差距很低。不过在上世纪50年代,由于禁止农村人口向城市流动,农村地区缺乏工业,全国大部分农副粮食市场被关闭,意味着农村人口整体上比城市人口更为贫穷。据托马斯·罗斯基估算,这一时期城乡收入之比已高达5或6倍。

所以,改革开放前中国是收入十分平等的社会主义天堂的神话或许可以被打破。当时不仅经济基础薄弱,百姓生活贫困,而且也有收入差距。 

1980年代以后的变化

中国社会在1980年代以后发生了深刻变化。市场经济的实行意味着,资本、技能、一个好的创意、或者有能力获得某个执照,都可以迅速地增加个人收入。没有这些条件的人日子不太好过,特别是国企打破铁饭碗,取消福利分房、社会保障和其他补助之后。 在准市场经济中崛起的国有企业的职工收入得以增长,未能适应新形势的国企职工的工资降低,其他福利消失。因此,城市内部收入不平等随着整体收入增长而被拉大。从图1中我们可以看出这种趋势。图中数据来源于多伦多大学经济学教授Dwayne Benjamin与其合着者的估算(参见‘Income inequality during China’s economic transition’, 与 Loren Brandt, John Giles,Wang Sangui合着,2005年7月), 他们的研究显示,1987-2001年期间,中国城镇平均收入以约6%的速度稳步增长,同时基尼系数也由0.22上升到0.34。 



在农村地区,土地承包到户之后,勤劳的、擅长务农并获得了肥沃土地的农民有机会创造更多收入。乡镇企业家和奔赴城市寻找机会的农民兄弟也得以改善经济状况。这种情况自然导致了收入差距拉大。但同时,农民工和粮食市场的发展意味着,土地的质量如何,对于决定农民收入的重要性降低。这也就意味着不同农村地区间的收入不平等在下降。90年代初期农产品价格上涨使所有农民受益(同样90年代末,粮食价格下降也伤害了所有农民的利益)。

世界银行的学者Martin Ravallion和陈少华的研究发现,生活在贫困线以下的农村人口比例从1980年的76%下降到1987年的22%(参见 ‘China’s (uneven) progress in poverty reduction’, Journal of Development Economics, 82 (1), 2004)。但在这之后,减贫方面的进展陷于停顿。农村地区整体收入在80年代和90年代初得到增长之后,保持平缓态势(见图2)。1987年16%的农村家庭收入不足农村平均收入的一半。1995年,这一比例降至7%。但90年代后半段开始又出现了反复,2001年家庭收入不足平均收入一半的农村家庭所占比例又上升到11%(见图4)。黄亚声指出,90年代农村贫困人口的贫困程度加深。农村内部的收入不平等开始超过了城市内部的收入不平等,改革开放以后,农民收入的增幅非常有限。根据Benjamin 等人的数据,1987年农村地区基尼系数(衡量不同农村地区之间的收入分配差异)为0.32 ,到2001上升到0.37。

城乡之间收入不平等有什么变化?图3显示了中国总人口的收入不平等状况。1987年到2001年,整体基尼系数由0.37上升到0.44。但是,这些数字还存在着一些问题。 

争议较大的主要包括三个方面,一是收入指标中应包括哪些内容──仅包括工资性收入,还是也包括所享受的社保福利?是否需要考虑生活成本的不同?城镇地区生活成本高,无疑会侵蚀一部分城镇职工的收入。另一个问题是数据本身。由于数据敏感性等原因,国家统计局并不公布所有采集到的家庭收入数据。而且,即便是发布出来的数据,收入水平高的人可能倾向于低报收入,以免惹来税务官的注意,低收入家庭也有可能低报收入,以免失去低收入补贴。



另一个问题是,近些年,随着城市扩张,大量的“农村”地区划归入城市或城镇。在这一进程中,距离城镇较近的农民(他们相对富裕)被“农转非”为城镇人口。由于农村人口样本中较富裕的群体转出,农村地区平均收入下降,城乡收入比因而上升,表现为城乡收入差距拉大。Benjamin与其合着者将城乡家庭分类保持不变,重新估算了城乡收入比,结果发现,1987-2001年以后, 城乡收入差距并没有增加很多。 

当今最大的收入差距不在城乡之间,而在城市和乡村内部

Benjamin与其合着者指出,当今中国最大的收入不平等出现在城市人口之间和农村人口之间,而不是城乡之间。一方面,部分沿海农村与内陆农村之间存在着巨大的收入差距。浙江、江苏等沿海地区的农民非常富裕,农业经营繁荣(至少在80年代),农民家庭通过较早进城务工积累了一定资金。中西部地区的农民的情况要差很多,部分地区非常贫穷。 

第二类不平等的程度要高一些,即城市内部的收入不平等。在上文提及的各种市场力量作用下,居住在同一条街道的家庭,收入差距可能非常大。根据Benjamin对国家统计局抽样调查数据的分析,现阶段,城镇地区工资性收入占平均收入的68%,占收入差距的72%, 我们将具体情况绘制在图5 中。换句话说,工资决定着你是贫穷还是富裕──而工资又更多地取决于你所受的教育水平、社会关系网络、机会等因素。农村地区也体现出了同样的趋势。工资性收入占农村平均收入的42%,占农村收入差距的44%。另一方面,来自农业劳动的收入占农村平均收入的21%,但仅占收入差距的6%。也就是说在农村地区,农民家庭是否有经营性收入,对其家庭收入水平的影响也是很大的──经营项收入占农村平均收入的21%, 占农村地区收入差距的29%(见图6)。



收入不平等的衡量还存在其他难题。在谈论收入差距对政策制定的影响和意义之前,我们先来看西澳大学的Terry Sicular做出的发现(参见‘How large is China’s urban-rural gap?’, Terry Sicular, Yue Ximing, Bjorn Gustafsson, Li Shi,2007),他们指出官方收入差距统计还存在以下问题: 

1. 官方收入统计没有包括城镇家庭获得的住房补贴,或居住自有住房的家庭的房租价值。这一项应该是包括的,因为农村地区很少有类似补贴。加上住房类补贴的话,城镇居民的富裕程度很可能高出他们的现金收入所揭示的。

2. 只有城镇居民能够享受的公共服务和养老金也应纳入到城市居民收入统计口径中,加入这一点的话,也能够体现城镇家庭收入高于实际。不过随着农村地区公共服务的推广和改进,这种状况将会发生改变。

3. 现有口径没有考虑生活成本的差异,这一点也应该有所体现。月入4000元在中国大部分农村地区都可称得上是高收入,但在任何一个大城市,这样的收入水平生活压力还是比较大的。某研究发现,城市物价水平较农村高出35-40%(但对这一说法有争议)

4. 农民工被排除在家庭收入调查官方样本之外,这意味着城镇家庭收入有所夸大,农村家庭收入存在低估。Sicular等人指出,国家统计局城镇收入调查的样本设计包含城镇居住半年以上的外来务工人员,但在实际数据采集中,可能忽略了建筑工地或服务行业的外来务工者,后者可能也从未做城镇暂住人口登记。某调研显示,当今中国的城市人口中,13-20%为农民工,而他们的平均收入水平比城镇职工平均收入水平低60%(但比农村居民高出40%)。统计数据中忽略农民工意味着估算出的城镇家庭平均工资可能高于实际。同时,农调队在进行农村家庭收入调查时,可能再次将不在家的农民工排除在外,并且,农民工家庭可能不会如实报告全部汇回收入。综合下来,农村家庭收入统计可能低报了农村家庭收入水平。



Sicular教授和他的同事对以上问题中的三项进行了调整(由于缺乏相关数据,未能对城市公共服务和养老金进行调整)。通过分析调整后的数据,他们发现城乡收入差距没有官方数据揭示的那么大(他们的结果显示在表1中)。他们发现,1995-2002年期间,城乡收入之比稳定在2.24-2.27倍之间,而不是像官方数据所体现的超过3倍。 他们还发现,2002年,在全部收入差距中,城乡差距仅占到25%,与Benjamin等人的结论基本一致。但贫富差距仍较大幅度地高出亚洲发展中国家的平均水平,后者在1.3-1.8之间,但也表明,至少贫富差距没有继续恶化。

(作者王志浩博士(Stephen Green)是渣打银行中国区研究主管。本文所述仅代表他个人观点。渣打银行保留该报告版权。)

Pain to be forced to raise?


China: Our Chief Economist, Dr Ha REVISED UP his 09 GDP to 7.6%-8%, due to
 recovering electricity production, property, auto sales, investment budgets for
 newly started projects, manufacturing PMI, & better than expected quasi-fiscal
 credit expansion (over Rmb1.3tn again for March new loan).

* CPI is expected to rally as well. The CICC comprehensive leading indicator
 stabilized after 13 months of decline, suggesting that the real economy is
 recovering.

* External environment also improved. The US's new housing starts and housing
 sales volume rose substantially along with improvements in the consumer market,
 stronger-than-expected core retail sales, as well as recoveries in the consumer
 expectations index, the Philadelphia Manufacturing Index and the durable goods
 orders index. The US's CPI and PPI also began to rally. Germany saw recovery
 in the IFo and ZEW expectations indexes, plus a robust rebound in automobile
 sales. Europe's manufacturing and non-manufacturing PMI stabilized. All these
 suggest that the Chinese economy may rebound markedly QoQ in the 2Q.

* Recent development on G20 suggests accelerating globalization of RMB and more
 say in int'l financial system from China which bodes well for asset prices
 according to empirical experiences.

* US: we see new home started and sales numbers to recover after 3-year's of
 correction and enormous govt efforts, while property prices could keep falling
 but at a lower pace, this is similar to what's happening in China and increases
 the probability for US economy to get out of the current recession in 4Q09.

星期三, 四月 01, 2009

Few Thoughts...

How far you can go depends on how deep your thought is; similarly, how well you can solve a problem, depends on how well you understand the problem. 

The process of problem solving can always be broken into a process of 3, identifying the problem, understanding the problem as well as fixing the problem. As for now, the best angle so far to understand of the crisis that we are witnessing and experiencing is to view it as a combination of both a structure problem and a cyclical one, for both western developed economy and the emerging markets.

While it is a consensus these days for quite a number of people (Still not for all definitely) to admit that it is such a combination case in the western world given the shadow credit/banking system that was in place for the past few years to create, artificially, a vast demand for the products of yields without scrutiny of the credit quality behind the Triple A label provided by the credit rating agency, whose paycheck was largely dependent on the issuer of those securities. However, it is somehow, still a bit unrecognized a fact that the structure problem also exists in the emerging world, albeit not in the form of an over-leveraged household and financial sectors but in a form of its structurally less-demand, given the productivity advance that we have been enjoyed for the past few decades plus a huge pool of vacant resource there.

If one is willing to extend its mindset a bit further in terms of the time frame scope, it is not difficult to find out the fact that the history of global economy after WWII, has always been a game of the mobile capital chasing cheaper cost and higher return, on a global scale, from the Marshall Plan in EU to the return of Macarthur to Japan, from Asian Four Tigers to the ultimate BRIC; regionally speaking, from EU’s economic invasion to the Iron Curtain area to US’s Mexico Policy, from Asian countries inter-regional trade zone to Sino-Au resource partnership. And all of the above now, seems to come to a stage that we are not only interrelated much more than we used to be; but on an absolute basis, given the resources that we had, we are having much bigger a power in terms of production and supply than the real final existing demand. To go one step further and to be clearer, we had modernized the style of production of our goods and services by the mobility of capital worldwide, but on the other hand the demand had not yet caught up, neither its style nor its scale.

Having said that, it would be much easier for us to understand why the developing world is also facing a structure problem and where this problem is originated, though for a convenience people named it as over-capacity relatively, while in reality it is more a problem of lack of real demand absolutely.

Given this situation, it makes more sense for us to understand why central banks and Governments worldwide are viewing deflation as their top enemy while preferring a small percentage of inflation as their target, not only because the vicious cycle that deflation would bring to the whole society as a result of the contraction of the economy but also because deflation itself is totally out of their hand of control, given the advance of the productivity is of a fundamental underlying essence.

With the above being said, we now should focus more on the side of the solution of our problem. It has been a huge debate in both the academic side and the industrial wide for the right way to fix the problem that we are having now, which to some extent shows how harmony a world that we had been living in and enjoying for the past few decades. So hiding from all those famous legacy players, I would like to share with you some of my thoughts here.

While it is like a typical Keynesian’s solution to use both monetary and fiscal policies to deal with the cyclical problem, and to let the Government take over the task to keep the economy, or at least to try to push the economy, back towards the point of full employment, those are ineffective to solve the structure problem that we are having at the same time this time. What we are having structurally in the developed world is an over-leveraged household sector as well as a financial market dysfunction as a result of the legacy assets sitting on their balance sheets. For that matter, however hard that you are trying to stimulate the economy, it is still going to be a failing game so long as the structure issue is not being addressed accordingly and timely. And that is indeed, where the Fed and other parts of the western world failed to act, at the early stage of the crisis.

And now, especially after the fiasco of Lehman and the shameless AIG’s repeatedly trials of asking for more funding, Tim Geithner’s recent PPIP program, from my humble opinion, is the point where they recognized, or were forced to recognize the importance and the urgency of solving the structure problem. Even it is essentially a program to entice private players to buy banks’ asset at their mark-to-model value to bail those banks out, the trick is private players are still having the possibility to enjoy the upside in the long term by having Treasury as a non-recourse source of funding, and no doubt it will all end with the taxpayers to pay the bill without any participation of the upside. However, realistically speaking it helps those banks to replenish their books; and indeed it is the way to fix the system, if we can rationally put aside the fairness for just one second.

There are people out there questioning the feasibility of the PPIP, given there will be a gap between the market price that those private players are willing to pay and the marked book price that banks are willing to sell. While this is definitely a question to ask, in essence it is no more because of the participation of public funding actually changed the risk/reward profile of the trade and it is the very thing that those private players are looking at rather than simply the price. For them, it is always a better deal to have a better risk/reward profile on the same capital base, even if the price (not necessarily the capital) paid is a bit higher. While to me the real feasibility is on the fairness side because it is another game of privatize the gain while socializing the loss, and it would be a big question mark for the already angry taxpayers and the congress to let the program go ahead if they find out the truth. Again, if this trick could really be played out, it is definitely the one to buy time for all, especially for those banks.

Now let’s turn back to the other side of the coin, with the focus on China.

While people, at least for now, are enthusiastic with the potential recovery of China, compared with its western counterparts. To me, however, it feels exactly the opposite because of the structure problem that it has, described above; and the difficulty that it has to turn the structure problem around as a result of its less democratic political constitution.

Since the entry of WTO back in 2001, China has enjoyed a tremendous growth out of its participation in globalization. And as stated above, during the past few years, while the productivity of China has been explored to a great extent (though not fully explored and far from there yet), the domestic demand side has always be a huge lag which was only covered by the explosion of exporting growth. As told by the domestic consumption figure, it kept dropping from less than 40% to somewhere around 35% for the past few years while accordingly but interestingly consumption of US increasing from around 65% to 71%, and there is not too much improvement to be seen in the foreseeable future.

In a word, it has been a vicious cycle for developing countries to rely on the external demand to drive its growth because it is not only a model depending too much on others’ unstable demand rather than its intrinsic growth, but also at the same time crowding out domestic demands if the distribution system is not fair enough, as the case of China. When the cyclical downturn hit its external parties unavoidably from time to time, the economy is going to suffer, maybe even worse than its importing counterparts simply because the structure of demand can easily be adjusted to the extent of disposal income, while production side does not have the luxury of this flexibility.

One more thing, while political issue is not a good topic to talk, please allow me to make two points here regarding implications of a the non-democratic system in China.

1.      In a non-democratic world, resources are more dedicated to investment driven growth model rather than a intrinsic consumption driven one. Simply because it is not the priority there to please the voters, but to show more performance so as to get more political tractions.

2.      In a non-democratic world, the legitimacy of the political power is coming from the front of the growth of the society as a whole, not necessarily from the real benefit of the welfare of the individual. 

So even though a lot of people, some for the wishful thinking that after this crisis China is going to walk out relatively less scathed and some for the performance driven pressure, are rushing into China now as told by the big out performance of both A Share market and HSCEI index to either World MSCI Index or S&P 500 in the US, the real danger lies in the mismatch of the post-stimulus demand situation and the continuing-deleveraging western household sector then. Because the US consumers are now thriving to get its foot on the ground of taking its saving rate back to the long term normal, rather than anything else; And if history is any indication, this takes long to achieve. So don’t be misled by the cheer there now in China but be really careful on your bets if you are going to make it big. However, it is not the case to say that it is not good to take a ride of this run, even it is a run of the irrational excuberance.